From the BBC:
“Coronavirus: Could Donald Trump
delay the presidential election?”
As the coronavirus pandemic
grinds much of the US economy to a halt, it is also playing havoc with the
American democratic process during a national election year. Primary contests have been delayed or
disrupted, with in-person polling places closed and absentee balloting
processes thrown into doubt. Politicians have engaged in contentious fights
over the electoral process in legislatures and the courts. In November voters
are scheduled to head to the polls to select the next president, much of
Congress and thousands of state-government candidates. But what could Election
Day look like - or if it will even be held on schedule - is very much the
subject of debate.
Could President Trump postpone
the election?: A total of 15 states
have delayed their presidential primaries at this point, with most pushing them
back until at least June. That presents the pressing question of whether the
presidential election in November itself could be delayed. Under a law dating
back to 1845, the US presidential election is slated for the Tuesday after the
first Monday of November every four years - 3 November in 2020. It would take
an act of Congress - approved by majorities in the Democratic-controlled House
of Representatives and the Republican-controlled Senate - to change that. The prospect of a bipartisan legislative
consensus signing off on any delay is unlikely in the extreme. What's more,
even if the voting day were changed, the US Constitution mandates that a
presidential administration only last four years. In other words, Donald
Trump's first term will expire at noon on 20 January, 2021, one way or another.
He might get another four years if he's
re-elected. He could be replaced by Democrat Joe Biden if he's defeated. But
the clock is ticking down, and a postponed vote won't stop it.
What happens if the election is
delayed?: If there hasn't been an
election before the scheduled inauguration day, the presidential line of
succession kicks in. Second up is Vice-President Mike Pence, and given that his
term in office also ends on that day, he's in the same boat as the president. Next
in line is the Speaker of the House - currently Democrat Nancy Pelosi - but her
two-year term is up at the end of December. The senior-most official eligible
for the presidency in such a doomsday scenario would be 86-year-old Republican
Chuck Grassley of Iowa, the president pro tem of the Senate. That's assuming
Republicans still control the Senate after a third of its 100 seats are vacated
because of their own term expirations. All in all, this is much more in the
realm of political suspense novels than political reality.
But could the virus disrupt the
election? : While an outright change of
the presidential election date is unlikely, that doesn't mean the process isn't
at risk of significant disruption. According
to University of California Irvine Professor Richard L Hasen, an election-law
expert, Trump or state governments could use their emergency powers to
drastically curtail in-person voting locations. In the recently concluded Wisconsin primary,
for instance, concerns about exposure to the virus, along with a shortage of
volunteer poll-workers and election supplies, led to the closure of 175 of the
180 polling places in Milwaukee, the state's largest city. If such a move were
done with political interests in mind - perhaps by targeting an opponent's
electoral strongholds - it could have an impact on the results of an election.
Could states contest the results?: Hasen also suggests another more
extraordinary, albeit unlikely, scenario. Legislatures, citing concerns about
the virus, could take back the power to determine which candidate wins their
state in the general election. There is no constitutional obligation that a
state support the presidential candidate who wins a plurality of its vote - or
that the state hold a vote for president at all. It's all about the Electoral College, that
archaic US institution in which each state has "electors" who cast their
ballots for president. In normal times, those electors (almost always) support
whoever wins the popular vote in their respective states. It doesn't necessarily have to work that way,
however. In the 1800 election, for example, several state legislatures told
their electors how to vote, popular will be damned. If a state made such a "hardball"
move today, Hasen admits, it would probably lead to mass demonstrations in the
streets. That is, if mass demonstrations are permitted given quarantines and
social-distancing edicts.
Will there be legal challenges?: The recent experience in the Wisconsin
primary could serve as an ominous warning for electoral disruption to come -
and not just because of the long lines for in-person voting at limited polling
places, staffed by volunteers and national guard soldiers in protective
clothing. Prior to primary day, Democratic governor Tony Evers and Republicans
who control the state legislature engaged in high-stakes legal battles, one of
which was ultimately decided by the US Supreme Court, over whether the governor
had the legal power to postpone the vote until June or extend the absentee
balloting deadline. In March Republican
Ohio Governor Mike DeWine had a similar court battle before his successful move
to delay his state's primary. A federal judge in Texas on Wednesday issued an
order that made fear of contracting the coronavirus a valid reason to request
an absentee ballot in November. The state's requirements for mail-in voting had
been some of the most stringent in the nation.
What changes could reduce the
risk?: In a recent opinion survey
conducted by the Pew Research Center, 66% of Americans said they wouldn't be
comfortable going to a polling place to cast their ballot during the current
public-health crisis. Such concerns have increased pressure on states to expand
the availability of mail-in ballots for all voters in order to minimise the
risk of viral exposure from in-person voting. While every state provides for
some form of remote voting, the requirements to qualify vary greatly. "We
have a very decentralised system," Hasen says. "The states have a lot
of leeway in terms of how they do these things." Five states in the
western US, including Washington, Oregon and Colorado, conduct their elections
entirely via mail-in ballot. Others, like California, provide a postal ballot
to anyone who requests it.
Why don't some states like
postal-voting?: On the other end of the
spectrum, 17 states require voters to provide a valid reason why they are
unable to vote in-person in order to qualify for an absentee ballot. These
states have faced calls to relax their requirements to make absentee ballots
easier to obtain - although some leaders are resisting. Mike Parson, the Republican governor of
Missouri, said on Tuesday that expanding absentee ballot access was a
"political issue" and suggested that fear of contracting the virus is
not, by itself, a reason to qualify for an absentee ballot. Republicans in
other states, including North Carolina and Georgia, have expressed similar
sentiments. Congress could step in and
mandate that states provide some minimum level of absentee balloting or mail-voting
system in national elections, but given the existing partisan gridlock at the
US Capitol, chances of that are slim.
Do the parties agree on how to
protect the election?: No. Given the
intense polarisation of modern politics, it shouldn't be surprising that
whether - and how - to alter the way elections are conducted during a pandemic
have become an increasingly contentious debate. Donald Trump himself has
weighed in against expanded mail-in voting, saying that it is more susceptible
to fraud. He also has suggested that increased turnout from easing balloting
restrictions could harm Republican candidates, "They had levels of voting,
that if you ever agreed to it, you'd never have a Republican elected in this
country again," he said in a recent Fox News interview. But the evidence
that conservatives are hurt more by mail-in voting is mixed, as Republicans
frequently cast absentee ballots in greater numbers than Democrats.
Is US democracy at risk?: The coronavirus outbreak is affecting
every aspect of American life. While Trump and other politicians are pushing
for life to return to some semblance of normalcy, there's no guarantee all will
be well by June, when many states have rescheduled their primary votes, the
August party conventions, the October scheduled presidential debates or even
November's election day. In normal
times, the months ahead would mark a drumbeat of national political interest
and activity that grows to an election day crescendo. At this point, everything
is in doubt - including, for some, the foundations of American democracy
itself. "Even before the virus hit, I was quite worried about people
accepting the results of the 2020 election because we are very hyperpolarised
and clogged with disinformation," says Hasen, who wrote a recent book
titled Election Meltdown: Dirty Tricks, Distrust, and the Threat to American
Democracy.
^ For Republicans and Democrats
alike everyone should want to hold the Elections in November. If each side truly
believes they will win then they should be confident and allow the vote to continue.
With that said if it is too dangerous in November to vote in person then every
State (Republican and Democrat-held) should allow for absentee ballots with no
need for the voter to “fight” to get a ballot. If people can’t vote by mail and
it’s too dangerous for them to vote in person then whomever wins does so with
an asterisk by their name and that stain will be in American history books forever.
I have voted by absentee ballot twice (once when I was in college in another
State and once when I was studying in Russia.) Absentee ballots don’t give the
instant results that many people want nowadays, but they do still give a count.
^
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-52326166
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